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1The term "traditional" as used here should not be understood as implying that these beliefs have been eternal or static in any way. "Traditional" simply means that these gender perspectives have dominated conservative Protestant thought since the Victorian Era (DeBerg 1990). Their content, however, has changed throughout evangelical history, from the 1920s onward. The shifts described here are merely their most recent incarnation.

2See Bartkowski 2004 and 2007 for an emphasis on "expressive masculinity" in the Promise Keepers movement, and Bartkowski and Xu 2000 for similar changes in evangelical fatherhood.

3 For example, some women interviewed in Ingersoll's study rejected the characterizations of gender and gender roles as elucidated by their congregational leaders by reinterpreting the same idea or particular Biblical passage on male/female relations in a way that better serves their own situations and goals at home or in church life. When asked how they reconcile their congregation's teachings against women's direct instruction of (and therefore authority over) men in religious education classes, some of the women interviewed responded that interpretations of Paul's positions on female teaching were essentially misinterpreted; one cited a mistranslation of the original Greek as an issue, while others qualified what was meant by the word "teach" and the nature of having authority over others that exists in the act of instructing someone religiously. The latter was interpreted by several in light of Paul's statements of male and female equality in Christ, thus tempering other passages that might contribute to the limitation of women's roles in activities both within and without church life (Ingersoll 2003, 23-25).

4Some theories posited about evangelicalism's success suggest that evangelicalism's vitality is due to its "sheltered enclave" characteristics in terms of social location and how its members interact with mainstream culture--that the social location of evangelicals is one of "distance from modernity" (Hunter 1983). James Davidson Hunter claims that higher education, participation in paid labor, living in an urban environment, younger age, and higher income (among other demographic factors) suggest that one more fully participates in the conditions of modern life. Hunter concluded that evangelicals were more distant in these measures than other groups and that this separation from mainstream culture allowed them to protect their religious beliefs from the eroding effects of pluralism and secularization, key features of Western mainstream culture in the modern era. The findings of Smith et al. contradict these assertions. In terms of higher education, income, and participation in paid labor force, evangelicals are closer in proximity to modernity than non-religious Americans, and do not differ consistently in these regards to other Christian groups. Evangelicals do not live in a sheltered enclave in terms of their relational networks either. They do not restrict their social worlds to fellow evangelicals or other Christians any more so than liberal or mainline American Protestants (Smith et al. 1998, 75-82).

5The vast majority of evangelicals (97 percent) adhere to a belief in the inerrancy of the Bible, but what inerrancy actually means varies. Roughly half view the Bible as literally true, while the other upholds the Bible as true, though not always literally so (Smith et al. 1998).

6This is not to suggest that a majority or even a large portion of evangelicals are antagonistic toward feminist social movements or feminist ideologies. Multiple evangelical feminist movements have emerged throughout the history of evangelical tradition, and evangelical or "biblical feminists" continue to be an important group within evangelicalism today (see Gallagher 2003, 2004a). Clyde Wilcox's study (1989) of the attitudes of white Protestant evangelical women on feminist issues (including the Equal Rights Amendment, abortion, birth control information in public schools) and feminist organizations (including the National Organization for Women) unearthed a great diversity of opinions concerning these issues and mixed levels of support for feminist and antifeminist groups. Wilcox compared support for the National Organization for Women (NOW) and that for the Moral Majority. Only 22 percent of the women supported NOW and only 17 percent favored the Moral Majority. A large majority of women in this study supported neither (62 percent). Gallagher's (2004b) findings lend further support for the diversity of evangelical (male and female) opinion regarding feminism. Even those who do not support feminist organizations acknowledge positive political and social results of popular women's movements in the United States (Brasher 1998; Gallagher 2004b).

7 See Bartkowski 2004 and 2007 for boundary work done by men of the Promise Keepers to remain distinct from non-evangelical fathers.

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